The practice of radical democracy has always been central to
anarchist practice and theory. David Graeber has said that anarchism as a whole
and movements against globalization are “about reinventing democracy.”[iii]
Anarchistic democracy is radical because it is a set of emancipatory practices
and actions rather than a constitutional form or an institutional structure.
Anarchism as a theory of radical democracy is an open-ended project. Australian anarchist Saul Newman
argues, “anarchism can be seen as providing the ultimate politico-ethical
horizon for radical democracy.”[iv] What
posture should Christian anarchists take in relationship to the democratic
governments that most of us are a part of?
Democracy ain’t what it used to be – and maybe it never was.
Political and economic influence is channeled into fewer and fewer hands while
“democracy” and “freedom” spread everywhere. Everything is being redefined by
economics. Even the state is now organized, regulated, and legitimized by how
well it serves the financial markets. We live in “corporate democracies” where
P.R. techniques provide the illusion of participation yet keep people in a
state of apathy.
Sheldon Wolin defined radical democracy as a “rebellious moment”, unstable,
and inclined toward anarchy. According to Wolin democracy is a revolutionary
activity by common people against the injustice of the established regime. He
concluded his classic survey of the history of Western political philosophy by
asserting that “The central challenge
at this moment is not about reconciliation but about dissonance, not about democracy’s
supplying legitimacy to totality but about nurturing a discordant democracy.”[v]
French philosopher Jacques Ranciere agrees when he distinguishes
between “policing” and “politics”. Policing is the set of policies and
procedures that establish, organize, and legitimate power. Policing refers to
the hierarchical political structures we inherit and the rationale used to
justify their imposition. We do not need “the police” to do all the policing
because we internalize the structures and thus police ourselves. Most of what
we call politics (like elections and voting) is actually policing.[vi]
“Politics” according to Ranciere is antagonistic to policing and to the
hierarchical structures that policing enforces. Politics implements difference,
contingency, and equality into the system. Politics is “the equality of any
speaking being with any other speaking being.”[vii]
The lowest is no lower the highest. The highest is no higher than the lowest.
Politics rarely happens because policing discourages it. According
to Ranciere the purpose of politics is not consensus but dissensus. Politics is the refusal of the given policed order and
the continual quest for the equality and liberty that must disrupt the false
identities and social roles that are imposed upon us. Wolin and Ranciere
therefore define the politics of radical democracy as a discordant democracy
creating dissensus.
One of the most common objections I hear against
anarchism is that it is reactionary and parasitic; and that anarchists have no
positive program. We consistently hear this complaint against the Occupy
Movement. I disagree. Anarchism is a proactive and generative understanding of
society and politics.
Gustav Landauer was one primary example of a
constructive anarchist (and a mystical one at that!). Landauer reframed the
classic anarchist question about the necessity of abolishing the state.
Landauer wrote “The State is a condition, a certain relationship between human
beings, a mode of human behavior; we destroy it by contracting other relationships,
by behaving differently.”[viii] The State
only seems to be necessary because we presume it. In fact, the State is
artificial and can be overcome by forming real relationships with “People”. The
question of state or no-state is a false choice. “If the State is a
relationship which can only be destroyed by entering into another relationship,
then we shall always be helping destroy it to the extent that we do in fact
enter into another.” Landauer advised the formation of alternative communities
of real relationships that would not destroy the prevailing system by a frontal
assault, but by withdrawing energy from it would render its institutions
redundant. Landauer’s position didn’t require that everyone become an
anarchist, nor did it force anyone to do so. It only forced those who desired
to live differently to begin doing so immediately – to practice radical
democracy.
We might consider the Mennonite John Howard Yoder as another
constructive anarchist.[ix] Political
philosopher Romand Coles write, “I read Yoder’s radical reformation theology as
radically democratic—in the temporal as well as the directly ethical-political
sense of the term.” [x] Yoder’s Body Politics[xi] can be
read as both a tract about the life of the gathered Christian community and
also a forecast of what a radically democratic society might look like.
Yoder rejected the false dualism between state
politics or no politics: “The choice or the tension which the Bible is concerned with is not
between politics and something else which is not politics, but between right
politics and wrong politics . . . Our first need has been to deny a dualism, to
reject the splitting apart of territories separating the political from the
nonpolitical.”[xii]
Yoder’s commitment to nonviolence has implications
for how political discourse is practiced. The command of Jesus to love our
enemies implies that loving our enemies means listening to our enemies. Coles
observes that Yoder’s “pacifist epistemology” requires the practice of radical
democracy. Patience is a necessary method for Yoder’s politics because only
patience can guarantee everyone gets taken seriously. Radical democracy refuses
to limit discussion to those “in power” or allow the majority to stifle the
voice of the minority.
Yoder’s radical democracy is expressed primarily in the “social
process” of the local Christian community. Yoder describes the “open process”
by which the congregation welcomes full participation and due process so that
every voice is heard and every witness evaluated. Yoder’s radical democratic
process requires a congregation to be receptive, vulnerable, and always
prepared for an interruption that reconfigures everything.
The church functions “prefiguratively” as the embodiment of the
future that it hopes will some day be a reality for everyone. David Graeber described the prefigurative politics of
those at the 1999 Seattle WTO protest: “When
protesters in Seattle chanted ‘this is what democracy looks like,’ they meant
to be taken literally. In the best tradition of direct action, they not only
confronted a certain form of power, exposing its mechanisms and attempting
literally to stop it in its tracks: they did it in a way which demonstrated why
the kind of social relations on which it is based were unnecessary.”[xiii]
The resonance here between Yoder’s prefigurative Christian assembly
and the prefigurative General Assemblies at the Occupy Movement is not
coincidental. David Graeber’s insistence that the anti-globalization movement
is about reinventing democracy might also be said of Yoder’s radical
reformation vision for the church. This is not of course the first time that
some version of Anabaptist practice has reinvigorated the practices of
democracy. Anarchists have emphasized the importance of immediate direct action:
the concrete prefigurative practice of a radical democracy in whatever social
circle, order, organization, institution, or collective of which one is already
a part. The practice of radical democracy flows out of radical Christian
discipleship.
[i] Jeffrey W
Robbins, Radical Democracy and Political
Theology (Columbia University Press, 2011), p 32
[ii] Fareed
Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal
Democracy at Home and Abroad (W W Norton, 2003), p 242
[iv] Saul
Newman, “Post
Anarchism and Radical Politics Today”, Post-Anarchism
Reader, edited by Duane Rousselle and Sureyya Evren (Pluto Press,
2011), p 65
[v] Sheldon
Wolin, Politics and Vision: Continuity
and Innovation in Western Political Thought (Princeton University Press, 2006),
pp 605-606
[vi] Saul
Newman, pp 58ff
[vii] Todd May, The Political Thought of Jacques Ranciere:
Creating Equality (Penn State: 2008), pp 29-30
[viii] Buber,
Martin. Paths in Utopia (Syracuse
University Press, 1996), p 47
[ix] Yoder would
have denied being an anarchist, but this essay would argue that his position is
in fact compatible with anarchism – whether he recognized it or not.
[x] Romand Coles “The
Wild Patience of John Howard Yoder: ‘Outsiders’ and the ‘Otherness’ of the
Church” in The New Yoder, edited by
Peter Dula and Chris K Huebner (Eugene, Oregon: Cascade: 2010)
[xi] John Howard Yoder, Body Politics: Five Practices of the Christian Community Before the Watching World (Scottsdale, PA: Herald Press, 2001), esp. chapter 5 “The Rule of Paul, pp 61-70.
[xii] John Howard Yoder. For the Nations: Essays Public and Evangelical (Eerdmans, 1997), pp 222-223
[xiii] David Graeber, Fragments of Anarchist Anthropology (Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2004), p 84
[xi] John Howard Yoder, Body Politics: Five Practices of the Christian Community Before the Watching World (Scottsdale, PA: Herald Press, 2001), esp. chapter 5 “The Rule of Paul, pp 61-70.
[xii] John Howard Yoder. For the Nations: Essays Public and Evangelical (Eerdmans, 1997), pp 222-223
[xiii] David Graeber, Fragments of Anarchist Anthropology (Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2004), p 84